ÉDUCATION — Éducation : vers un marché scolaire québécois ?

Justine Castonguay-Payant — Programme de doctorat en éducation comparée et fondements de l'éducation

ÉDUCATION — Éducation : vers un marché scolaire québécois ?

Un virage idéologique et politique touche le monde de l’éducation occidental depuis environ trente ans, et le Québec n’est pas épargné par ces tendances. Alors que depuis les années 1960, l’État était le principal artisan des services éducatifs, de nouveaux enjeux laissent poindre une réorganisation du pouvoir des acteurs scolaires. Par exemple, le « marché scolaire », la « marchandisation » ou la « privatisation » de l’éducation sont parfois évoqués pour expliquer le fait que le système éducatif québécois change et pour montrer qu’il suivrait des tendances consuméristes. Au Québec, les études sur le sujet se font rares, et des amalgames s’opèrent entre « marchandisation » et « privatisation » ainsi qu’entre les rôles de l’État, ceux de l’école et ceux des usagers. Souvent confondus, « marchandisation » et « privatisation » servent à tort de synonymes ou encore à dénoncer le fait que l’école publique devient une marchandise vivant une véritable crise identitaire. Si ailleurs dans le monde, les marchés scolaires sont en train de s’implanter, est-ce le cas chez nous ? Quelles tendances s’affirment au Québec ?

Les marchés scolaires sont propulsés par les forces politiques et économiques de l’État et suivent également les élans d’autres groupes d’acteurs : les écoles et les parents. En finançant les établissements scolaires en fonction du nombre d’inscriptions, comme c’est le cas au Québec, l’État régule, organise ou contrôle le système scolaire en incitant les écoles à entrer en concurrence entre elles pour attirer un plus grand nombre d’élèves. Cette manifestation d’une concurrence entre les écoles oblige ces dernières à se mettre en valeur auprès des parents de sorte que ceux-ci arrêtent leur choix sur leur établissement [1]. Les écoles doivent diversifier leur offre de services éducatifs en mettant sur pied de nouveaux programmes et des projets particuliers afin de se démarquer auprès des parents et de leurs enfants. Cette diversification des projets scolaires contribue à décentraliser les pouvoirs, qui se retrouvent davantage entre les mains des parents que dans celles de l’État. Dans ce contexte, l’expression quasi-marché exprime adéquatement cette double régulation publique et marchande qui semble caractériser le système scolaire québécois.

Les réseaux de parents, quant à eux, constituent un mécanisme social de transmission des jugements sur la qualité d’une école ou d’un programme scolaire. Ces jugements contribuent au déploiement des marchés scolaires en convertissant la « réputation » en « qualité » du service éducatif [2]. Des parents discutent souvent entre eux d’une école en mentionnant ses excellents enseignants ou sa piètre cour de récréation, et la réputation d’une école devient, de cette manière, garante de la qualité de l’environnement d’apprentissage. Or, dans les marchés scolaires, cette place accordée aux parents devient de plus en plus importante et vient en quelque sorte compléter le rôle de l’État dans la régulation [3].

Les marchés scolaires, fruits de l’économie néoclassique

Les marchés scolaires puisent leurs ancrages dans la conception de « marché » de la théorie de l’économie néoclassique. Les marchés, dont ils tirent leurs origines, peuvent être définis comme un « mécanisme de coordination entre acteurs, fondé sur un échange monétaire [4] ». D’après cette définition, un prix est attribué à un produit ou à un service en fonction de sa quantité, ce qui en régule l’équilibre et le fonctionnement [5]. L’expression marché scolaire fait référence au fait que des logiques d’inspiration marchande, au sens néoclassique, agissent sur la régulation du monde scolaire. L’accroissement de la compétition entre les écoles, la diversification de l’offre (projets particuliers de type sports-études, concentration en musique, etc.) et la liberté de choix des parents sont des exemples de ces logiques [6]. Toutefois, le concept de « marché » classique implique un échange pécuniaire où les prix orientent les décisions des consommateurs. Cependant, dans les services d’éducation primaire et secondaire, régulés par l’État dans la plupart des pays, le prix de l’école ou des programmes scolaires n’est pas au cœur de la relation producteur-consommateur. Pour cette raison, ces services ne correspondent pas à un véritable marché au sens de la théorie néoclassique, et l’emploi de ce terme pour ce contexte précis est souvent critiqué. En effet, certains éléments des services d’éducation sont régis par une coordination prise en charge par l’État, comme la formation des enseignants ou le financement des écoles, alors que d’autres mécanismes découlent d’une coordination de type marchand [7]. Dans ce contexte, le choix de l’école devient un mécanisme de régulation sociale des marchés scolaires qui pallie l’absence de contrôle par les prix [8].

Les origines des marchés scolaires

C’est au Royaume-Uni que les logiques de marchés ont commencé à intégrer les services publics [9]. Dans les années 1988-1989, le gouvernement de Margaret Thatcher, jugeant le modèle bureaucratique inefficace et monopolistique, engageait en guise d’offensive plusieurs réformes des services sociaux, dont l’Education Reform Act, le Housing Act de 1988 et le Housing and Local Government Act de 1989. Ces réformes allaient apporter des changements en profondeur aux services publics de l’État-providence et visaient à limiter l’intervention de l’État dans les services sociaux comme l’éducation [10]. Elles devaient désengorger les fonctions de l’État, qui agissait à la fois à titre de pourvoyeur de fonds et de principal gestionnaire. Selon les tenants des logiques de marchés, cette juxtaposition de rôles serait à l’origine du dysfonctionnement des services publics. Ils présentaient donc l’idée de marché comme étant la seule solution au manque d’efficacité du système d’éducation et aux problèmes de lourdeur bureaucratique [11]. C’était le début au Royaume-Uni d’une participation des forces néolibérales axée sur des contraintes de performance et de concurrence dans les différentes sphères de la société (éducation publique, soins de santé, etc.) et sur une diminution des responsabilités de l’État dans les services d’éducation [12]. Les marchés scolaires aux États-Unis se sont surtout déployés sous le gouvernement Reagan dans les années 1980, pour ensuite atteindre le Québec, notamment par une ouverture au choix de l’école et à la concurrence entre établissements scolaires nourrie par les dossiers dans les journaux et les classements des écoles destinés au grand public. Ce sont là des manifestations concrètes de l’existence de logiques favorisant l’implantation de marchés scolaires en sol québécois.

La marchandisation et la privatisation : savoir les distinguer

Qu’un système d’éducation laisse poindre un marché scolaire ne signifie pas pour autant qu’il se « privatise ». Pour les professeurs Julian Le Grand et Ray Robinson, la privatisation d’un secteur correspond à une diminution des prestations de l’État dans les services publics de ce secteur [13]. Cette réduction des subventions s’accompagne bien souvent de déréglementations et d’un transfert de certains services publics vers le privé [14]. Les services de consultation externe (analyse de besoins, opérationnalisation des processus, etc.) et les services d’entretien remis entre les mains de groupes privés en sont des exemples [15]. Il est cependant difficile de prétendre que tous les systèmes éducatifs internationaux tendent, dans une large mesure, vers une privatisation assurée des services scolaires. Toutefois, le système scolaire québécois tendrait à se privatiser si des services d’administration et scolaires étaient dégagés des fonctions de l’État et étaient délégués à des entreprises privées.

Quant au terme marchandisation de l’éducation, d’après Christian Maroy, professeur titulaire de la Chaire de recherche du Canada en politiques éducatives de l’Université de Montréal, il réfère au processus de transformation des modes de régulation des services scolaires vers de nouvelles logiques [16]. Ces logiques sont dites « marchandes » parce qu’elles prennent des allures qui semblent inspirées des lois du marché. La marchandisation des systèmes scolaires ne constitue pas une fin en soi, mais correspond à un long processus duquel émergent des mécanismes de contrôle inspirés des lois du marché comme celles abordées précédemment.

Pour qu’il y ait un marché scolaire, il n’est pas requis qu’un phénomène de privatisation fasse son œuvre. Toutefois, la privatisation favoriserait indirectement l’émergence d’un marché scolaire par l’introduction d’acteurs issus du secteur privé dans le système public [17]. Au Québec, plusieurs considèrent que des tendances marchandes sont bel et bien en train de s’implanter dans différents paliers de régulation des services d’éducation (local, intermédiaire ou national), particulièrement depuis les compressions budgétaires en éducation amorcées depuis 2010 et totalisant près d’un milliard de dollars [18]. Ces récentes baisses de ressources financières ont notamment pour effet de mettre fin à plusieurs services administratifs et aussi scolaires (aide aux devoirs, transport scolaire, accès aux bibliothèques, etc.) qui, par la force des choses, se trouvent délégués au secteur privé. Ces éléments peuvent exercer une pression consumériste sur les usagers du système scolaire et ainsi favoriser une « crise » de l’école en tant que prestataire de services et institution responsable de la transmission d’une culture démocratique nationale [19]. Certains se montrent toutefois enthousiastes devant l’implantation de logiques marchandes dans le système scolaire québécois. Pour eux, la concurrence et l’ouverture au libre choix de l’école, par exemple, peuvent inciter les établissements à modifier leurs façons de faire afin de demeurer efficaces et innovateurs[20].

La nécessité de se pencher sur la situation

Si les expressions marché scolaire, marchandisation et privatisation de l’éducation peuvent paraître proches, elles désignent pourtant des phénomènes bien distincts. Les marchés scolaires se manifestent, se construisent et se nourrissent de politiques diverses et variées par l’intermédiaire de différents groupes d’acteurs. La marchandisation désigne le processus de transformation des modes de contrôle de l’éducation [21]. L’existence d’un marché scolaire n’implique pas obligatoirement une privatisation de services éducatifs ; par contre, le fait de privatiser certains services risque de favoriser l’émergence du phénomène de marchandisation pouvant mener à un marché scolaire [22]. Quoi qu’il en soit, bien peu de recherches scientifiques mettent en lumière l’état des marchés scolaires, de la privatisation et de la marchandisation de l’éducation au Québec. Si des indices montrent que des logiques marchandes sont en train de se mettre en place, il sera essentiel de s’y attarder afin d’avoir l’heure juste et d’anticiper les possibles effets de ces tendances sur l’école québécoise.

 

Références

[1] Felouzis, G., Maroy, C. et Van Zanten, A. (2013). Les marchés scolaires : sociologie d’une politique publique d’éducation. Paris, France : Presses universitaires de France.

[2] Ibid.
Voir également Kosunen, S. (2014). Reputation and parental logics of action in local school choice space in Finland. Journal of Education Policy, 29(4), 443-466. doi : 10.1080/02680939.2013.844859

[3] Desjardins, P. D., Lessard, C. et Blais, J. G. (2010). Les effets prédits et observés du Bulletin des écoles secondaires du Québec. Dans R. Laplante (dir.), Il faut voir les choses autrement (p. 39-56). Montréal, Qc : Institut de recherche en économie contemporaine.


Voir également Lessard, C. et Brassard, A. (2006). La « gouvernance » de l’éducation au Canada : tendances et significations. Éducation et sociétés, (2), 181.

[4] Maroy, C. (2006). École, régulation et marché. Une comparaison de six espaces scolaires locaux en Europe. Paris, France : Presses universitaires de France, p. 93.

[5] Ibid.

[6] Ibid.

[7] Maroy, op. cit.
Voir également Le Grand, J. et Bartlett, W. (1993). The theory of quasi-markets. Dans J. Le Grand et W. Bartlett (dir.). Quasi-Markets and Social Policy (p. 13-34). Basingstoke, R.-U. : Macmillan Press.

[8] Felouzis, G. et Perroton, J. (2007). Les « marchés scolaires » : une analyse en termes d’économie de la qualité. Revue française de sociologie, 48(4), 693-722.

[10] Berthelot, J. (2006). Une école pour le monde, une école pour tout le monde. L’éducation québécoise dans le contexte de la mondialisation. Montréal, Qc : VLB éditeur.
Voir également Le Grand, op. cit.

[11] Friedman, M. (1962). Capitalism and Freedom. Chicago, Ill. : University of Chicago Press.

[13] Le Grand, J. et Robinson, R. (dir.). (1984). Privatization and the Welfare State. Londres, R.-U. : Allen & Unwin.

[14] Ibid.

[15] Dutercq, Y. (2011). Introduction. Dans Y. Dutercq (dir.), Où va l’éducation entre public et privé ? (p. 9-16). Bruxelles, Belg. : De Boeck Supérieur.

[16] Maroy, op. cit.

[17] Marginson, S. (1993). Education and Public Policy in Australia. Cambridge, R.-U. : Cambridge University Press.

[18] Desjardins, Lessard et Blais, op. cit.

[19] Lessard, C. et Meirieu, P. (2005). L’obligation de résultats en éducation: évolutions, perspectives et enjeux internationaux. Bruxelles, Belg. : De Boeck Supérieur.

[20] Migué, J. L. et Marceau, R. (1989). Le monopole public de l’éducation : l’économie politique de la médiocrité. Sillery, Qc : Presses de l’Université du Québec.
Voir également Gagné, R. et Belzile, G. (2005, novembre). « Les impacts positifs de la concurrence entre les écoles ». Le Point de l’Institut économique de Montréal. Repéré à http://www.iedm.org/files/lepoint10.pdf

[21] Le Grand et Robinson, op. cit.

[22] Whitty, G. et Power, S. (2000). Marketization and privatization in mass education systems. International Journal of Educational Development, 20(2), 93-107.

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